The autotelic factor is defined as the enjoyment and affect of touch along with the compulsive or irresistible urge to explore via touch medications excessive sweating 500 mg keppra fast delivery. However symptoms 3 days before period buy keppra 250mg low cost, for a material property with pleasant sensory feedback (soft ness), a written description did not provide this compensation. In effect, there are certain types of product attributes for which there is no substitute for actual touch. Similar to the instrumental dimension of Need for Touch, Citrin, Stem, Spangenberg, and Clark (2003) developed an individual difference scale titled, "Need for Tactile Input," and found that it was negatively related to products purchased over the internet, especially those categories that vary with respect to material properties. An individual difference in the preference for touch information has been found to moderate the time touching products to ascertain information (Peck & Childers, 2004). Touch and Situational Factors While the forgoing research involved judgments related to actual products, some research on touch expands the use of touch in marketing. Peck and Wiggins (2006) examined touch completely unrelated to a product but in the context of a persuasive ad. They varied the valence of a touch element attached to a pamphlet (negative, neutral, and positive) as well as fit of the touch element with the ad. They found that adding a touch element that felt good, for example a feather on a pamphlet requesting donations to a local arboretum, increased persuasion measured as attitude toward the ad as well as the likelihood of donating time and/or money to the organization. In another study, not related to product touch, Hornik (1992) examined touch as non-verbal communication in an interpersonal touch context. He found, in three field settings (Study 1, a bookstore; Study 2, a restaurant; Study 3, a supermarket) that an unobtrusive touch by an employee on the arm of a customer enhanced the positive feeling for the external stimuli. Customers touched by a requester tended to comply more than those customers that were not touched. Peck and Childers (forthcoming) manipulated the environment in a study in a grocery store examining impulse purchase behavior and environmental stimuli encouraging touch. Finally, Krishna (2006) investigated the elongation bias and shows that sensory modality (touch or vision) affects the extent and the direction of the elongation bias. The elongation bias predicts that with two containers of equal volume, the taller of the two is judged to have a larger volume. The author hypothesized that in a visual perception task, height is the salient dimension, thus the taller container appears larger. However, in another condition, when the participants had only haptic cues (they handled the objects blindfolded), width became the salient dimension and there was a reversal in the elongation bias (wide containers appeared bigger). Individual Factors Some research has looked at individual sensitivity to sensory input. In other areas of sensory research, an individual difference in the preference for information has not been as prevalent. In gustatory or taste research, taste discrimination has been an area of interest (Buchanan et al. In fact, in the research on product reformulations, the goal may be to ensure that even the most taste sensitive individuals will not notice the taste change in a reformulation (Dubow & Childs, 1998). Individual differences in behavior have been the focus of some work in the taste area. In-store sampling was the context for the observation of obese and nonobese shoppers (Steinberg & Yalch, 1978) as well as consumer behavior around bulk food bins (Johnson, Sommer, & Martino, 1985). In some taste research, differential results have been found for different levels of users and non users of brands (Maison, Greenwald, & Bruin. Similarly, a call has been made in the area of music to consider individual listener characteristics in response to different types of music (Bruner, 1990, Kellaris & Kent, 1994). Individual differences have been manipulated by manipulating involvement (MacInnis & Park, 1991; Park & Young, 1986) but, in general, individual responses to music or other auditory stimuli have not been examined in marketing. Using real products versus pictures or sketches can produce differential product evaluations (Holbrook, 1983). This is at least partially due to information that is available through direct product experience versus another medium such as advertising (Smith & Swinyard, 1983).
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Similarly symptoms inner ear infection buy discount keppra 500 mg, Nowlis medicine doctor cheap keppra 250 mg online, and Shiv (2005) found that distracting consumers while they are sampling a pleasant-tasting but relatively unknown brand of chocolate increases the likelihood that they will subsequently choose the sampled brand over a better-known brand of chocolate. Again, this is presumably because distraction increases the relative weight attached to the pleasant integral feelings associated with the sampling experience. Immediate affective rewards and punishments tend to be weighted too heavily, whereas delayed consequences are not weighted sufficiently (see Loewenstein, 1996). This property is very salient in impulse control situations where people have to trade off the immediate hedonic consequences of an option (such as the pleasure of eating junk food or the pain of visiting the dentist) against its long-term consequences (high cholesterol and obesity; healthy teeth and gums). According to Loewenstein (1996), the myopia of affect-based judgments and decisions is caused by the differential accessibility of current and delayed affective states. As a result, a reliance on affect tends to yield preferences for options that are more rewarding (or less painful) in the short term even if these options are less desirable in the long run. Consistent with this proposition, recent brain imaging studies indicate that preferences for immediate rewards are associated with greater activation in parts of the limbic system that are associated with affect (McClure, Laibson, Loewenstein, & Cohen, 2004). Affective responses, it seems, are part of a decision-making system of the present (Pham, 2004). A lesser-known property of evaluations based on integral affect is that they can exhibit relatively high consensus. Contrary to popular beliefs that affect is highly subjective, a growing body of evidence suggests that affective judgments are, in fact, quite consensual, sometimes even more so than cognitive judgments. For instance, judgments of physical attractiveness, long thought to be purely subjective ("beauty is in the eye of the beholder") have recently been shown to be largely universal (Etcoff, 1999). Similarly, emotional responses to music have been shown to be largely shared (Peretz, Gagnon, & Bouchard, 1998). It has also been observed that, although juries may disagree widely on the amount of punitive damages they are willing to award in legal cases, they tend to agree strongly on how outraged they feel in response to each case (Kahneman, Schkade, & Sunstein, 1998). In fact, for a variety of everyday stimuli, people seem to agree more on how they feel toward the stimuli than on how they would cognitively assess these stimuli (Pham, Cohen, Pracejus, & Hughes, 2001). Evaluations and decisions based on integral affect additionally tend to be sensitive to the presence or absence of affect-producing stimuli but relatively insensitive to further variations in the magnitude of these stimuli. This property was recently demonstrated in an interesting series of studies by Hsee and Rottenstreich (2004). One group of respondents was primed to make their assessments based on how they felt toward the target (Madonna and her music); the others were primed to make their assessment in a calculating fashion. For one group of respondents the number of pandas saved was simply represented by one or four dots. For the other group, the number of pandas saved was represented by one or four cute pictures of pandas, which was expected to trigger a more affective mode of evaluation. Affect-based evaluations are often based on concrete mental images of the target (see Pham, 1998). Because these images are discrete, usually consisting of prototypical representations of the target (a lovely panda, a popular Madonna song), continuous quantitative information tends to be lost (Kahneman, Ritov, & Schkade, 1999). In a telling demonstration of this phenomenon, Rottenstreich & Hsee (2001) asked respondents how much they would be willing to pay to avoid two types of negative outcomes, either losing $20 or receiving a painful but harmless electric shock, with an either 1% or 99% probability of occurrence. Consistent with standard economic theory, respondents were willing to pay much more to avoid a 99% probability of losing $20 (Mean = $18) than to avoid a 1% probability of losing $20 (Mean = $1). However, when the decision was about receiving an electric shock, a prospect rich in negative affect, respondents were not willing to pay much more to avoid a 99% probability of shock (Mean = $10) than to avoid a 1% probability of shock (Mean = $7). However, affect-based decisions and evaluations are sensitive to deviations from absolute certainty. For example, many consumers grossly overpay to turn zero probabilities of winning in big lotteries (a prospect rich in affect) into probabilities that are infinitesimal. Similarly, most consumers would be willing to pay large insurance or security premiums to convert minute probabilities of catastrophic events (prospects rich in affect) into zero probabilities. Loewenstein and colleagues (2001) argue that anticipatory affective responses such as dread (of negative outcomes) or hope (of positive outcomes) are sensitive to possibility. Finally, evaluations and decisions based on integral affect tend to have a high degree of internal coherence (Pham, 2004). This is because integral affective responses to a target, which are often immediate and highly accessible, often trigger a confirmatory search for information that supports or helps explain these initial feelings (Pham, Cohen, Pracejus, & Hughes, 2001; Yeung & Wyer, 2004). This confirmatory search results in a strong correlation between the immediate affective response elicited by a target and the spontaneous thoughts that people associate with the target. A review of neurophysiological evidence led Damasio (1994) to a similar proposition: "Somatic states, negative or positive, caused by the appearance of a given representation, operate not only as a marker for the value of what is represented, but also as a booster for continued working memory and attention" (p.
But if these strategies reduce customer loyalty and patronage because consumers think they are unfair treatment yeast infection women buy 500 mg keppra with visa, firms might be well advised to avoid them medications j-tube 250mg keppra otc. Consumers might "vote with their feet" and shop elsewhere, take actions to ensure that firms have no data on them (such as removing cookies), or voice their outrage in the form of protests, demonstrations, or litigation. Our survey results tell us that, in some cases, variable unit pricing is perceived as fair. Similarly, in some cases, variable consumer pricing among groups is viewed as fair. Four factors contribute to perceptions of fairness-industry norms, justification for price differences, consistency of prices, and transparency of the price structure. Industry Norms Industry norms go a long way toward making variable pricing seem fair. Lower fares for early purchases were perceived as fairer than lower fares for last minute purchases. One reason may have been because lower fares with early purchases are more common occurrences. For example, it is unfair for restaurants to charge higher prices for seats with better views, but it is fine for a baseball stadium to do exactly that. Minnesota has recently started a program in which drivers can pay extra to drive in the carpool lane. Drivers have accepted this variable pricing during rush hours but have loudly objected to the scheme during non-rush hours. Arbitrary or not, certain reference points become norms, even when those reference points vary. Justification for Price Differences Consumers will accept price differences when those differences seem reasonable and justified. Consumers discovered in an online chat room that Amazon had offered different prices to different customers. Amazon replied by telling consumers that the prices were determined on a random basis. Amazon sent out additional 10% discounts to those who had been given the smaller discounts. One reporter said, "Imagine the outcry had Amazon actually raised them [the prices]" (Heun, 2001). If Amazon had given frequent customers an advantage over infrequent customers, would consumers view it as fair Amazon determines whether to discount the price of a product by either 30% or 40%. Virtually all respondents (94%) thought it was fair to give discounts to frequent customers (2 (1) = 25. Although it is commonplace, discounts given to entice new customers to make purchases, at the expense of the loyal customers, is not a strategy that firms should adopt without careful consideration of the consequences. In some cases, variable pricing based on gender is perceived as fair if the explanation seems reasonable. We examined explanations with our dry cleaning question and asked participants: Dry cleaners charge different amounts for different types of clothing. Some researchers distinguish between justifications and excuses (Scott & Lyman, 1968). Justifications are explanations in which the decision maker admits fault for the decision, but denies that the decision was inappropriate by appealing to a higher order concern that makes the decision seem morally defensible. Excuses are explanations in which the decision maker does not accept fault for the action, but admits that the decision was inappropriate. In a meta-analysis of explanations, Shaw, Wild, and Colquitt (2003) found that excuses were generally perceived as more fair than justifications. An excuse for a price increase might be that price increases are bad, but because of the higher costs of supplies and labor, such increases were inevitable. A justification for a price increase might be that the higher price might seem bad to customers, but actually, higher prices allow firms to maintain their competitive edge and attract the best possible employees. Justifications may invite customers to consider alternative goals, such as higher profits without higher costs.
As a result medications dictionary 500 mg keppra overnight delivery, Gestalt psychology has been extremely influential in the area of sensation and perception (Rock & Palmer treatment variance generic keppra 500mg mastercard, 1990). Another Gestalt principle for organizing sensory stimuli into meaningful perception is proximity. This principle asserts that things that are close to one another tend to be grouped together, as Figure 5. We group the letters of a given word together because there are no spaces between the letters, and we perceive words because there are spaces between each word. According to this principle, things that are alike tend to be grouped together (Figure 5. Two additional Gestalt principles are the law of continuity (or good continuation) and closure. The law of continuity suggests that we are more likely to perceive continuous, smooth flowing lines rather than jagged, broken lines (Figure 5. The principle of closure states that we organize our perceptions into complete objects rather than as a series of parts (Figure 5. You probably feel fairly certain that your perception accurately matches the real world, but this is not always the case. For instance, research has demonstrated that those who are given verbal priming produce a biased interpretation of complex ambiguous figures (Goolkasian & Woodbury, 2010). Built from sensations, but influenced by our own experiences, biases, prejudices, and cultures, perceptions can be very different from person to person. This research is important, considering the number of very high-profile cases in the last few decades in which young Blacks were killed by people who claimed to believe that the unarmed individuals were armed and/or represented some threat to their personal safety. Perception involves the organization, interpretation, and conscious experience of those sensations. All sensory systems have both absolute and difference thresholds, which refer to the minimum amount of stimulus energy or the minimum amount of difference in stimulus energy required to be detected about 50% of the time, respectively. Sensory adaptation, selective attention, and signal detection theory can help explain what is perceived and what is not. In addition, our perceptions are affected by a number of factors, including beliefs, values, prejudices, culture, and life experiences. Wavelength and frequency are inversely related so that longer waves have lower frequencies, and shorter waves have higher frequencies. The fovea contains cones that possess high levels of visual acuity and operate best in bright light conditions. Rods are located throughout the retina and operate best under dim light conditions. Information from each visual field is sent to the opposite side of the brain at the optic chiasm. Visual information then moves through a number of brain sites before reaching the occipital lobe, where it is processed. The trichromatic theory asserts that three distinct cone groups are tuned to slightly different wavelengths of light, and it is the combination of activity across these cone types that results in our perception of all the colors we see. The opponent-process theory of color vision asserts that color is processed in opponent pairs and accounts for the interesting phenomenon of a negative afterimage. As the ossicles move, the stapes presses against the oval window of the cochlea, which this OpenStax book is available for free at cnx. As a result, hair cells embedded in the basilar membrane become enlarged, which sends neural impulses to the brain via the auditory nerve. Our ability to perceive pitch relies on both the firing rate of the hair cells in the basilar membrane as well as their location within the membrane. In terms of sound localization, both monaural and binaural cues are used to locate where sounds originate in our environment. Individuals can be born deaf, or they can develop deafness as a result of age, genetic predisposition, and/ or environmental causes. Hearing loss that results from a failure of the vibration of the eardrum or the resultant movement of the ossicles is called conductive hearing loss. Hearing loss that involves a failure of the transmission of auditory nerve impulses to the brain is called sensorineural hearing loss. Our ability to perceive touch, temperature, and pain is mediated by a number of receptors and free nerve endings that are distributed throughout the skin and various tissues of the body. The vestibular sense helps us maintain a sense of balance through the response of hair cells in the utricle, saccule, and semi-circular canals that respond to changes in head position and gravity.
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